Thursday, 25 August 2011
Tan Jee Say Presidential Rally: Jeanette Chong-Aruldoss Rally Speech
Jeanette Chong-Aruldoss Rally Speech
Much heat, though not enough light, has so far been generated in the recent public debates on the role of the Elected President.
On the one hand, we have Law Minister Shanmugam saying at a forum held on 6 Aug 2011 http://www.spp.nus.edu.sg/ips/IPS_news.aspx that: Our Presidency is created by the Constitution. This means that the Constitution alone can be the source of his powers.” http://www.spp.nus.edu.sg/ips/docs/media/yr2011/Elected%20Presidency/ST_President
%20is%20constitutional%20head%20of%20state_080811.pdf
On the other hand, Law Professor Thio Li Ann has said that the constitutional text is not exhaustive as presidential powers may be found in two further sources. First, constitutional conventions derived from long practice. For example, we are all familiar with the President’s role in promoting charitable causes and in fostering community bonding, but you cannot find mention of these roles in our Constitution. Second, apart from the Constitution there are also written guidelines or rules of engagements which have been agreed between the Government and the President in the interest of a harmonious working relationship. These written arrangements, which are outside of the Constitution, may shape the exercises of presidential powers.
http://www.singaporelawwatch.sg/remweb/legal/ln2/rss/legalnews/72860.html?
utm_source=rss+subscription&utm_medium=rss
These two legal eagles seem to have opposite views. So people are still unsure about the extent and limits of role and functions of the Elected President.
But what everyone agrees and what is clear to me, is that the President is the Representor and Guardian of the People’s interests. He symbolises and represents the whole country. He must be the unifier of all the various sectors of society in Singapore. He must be above politics. http://www.spp.nus.edu.sg/ips/docs/media/yr2011/Elected%20Presidency/BT_The
%20presidents%20role%20and%20powers_060811.pdf
Unfortunately, of the other candidates apart from Jee Say, all of them were active members of the PAP for a decade or more and 2 of them were politicians holding political office for long periods of time.
TAN KIN LIAN http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tan_Kin_Lian was a member of the PAP for
30 years, before he resigned in 2008. For 10 years, he was an active PAP member for the Marine Parade constituency. He was the PAP’s branch secretary at Marine Parade for 3 years.
http://web.archive.org/web/20090316094937/http://www.straitstimes.com/Breaking+News/Si ngapore/Story/STIStory_305814.html
TAN CHENG BOCK http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tan_Cheng_Bock was MP for Ayer Rajah SMC for 26 years (1980-2006). He was also the first non cabinet minister elected into the PAP’s Central Executive Committee, which is the highest ruling committee within the PAP, where he served from 1987 to 1996. Representing PAP, TCB has fought no less than six(6)
contested General Elections: 1980, 1984, 1988, 1991, 1997 and 2001. I think I am not wrong to say, that TCB is a veteran politician and an active, long-standing member of the PAP.
TONY TAN KENG YAM http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tony_Tan_Keng_Yam has been a PAP member since 1979 till June 2011, more than 30 years. Representing the PAP, he became a MP in 1979 and has been an MP for the next 27 years until 2006.
From 1980 to 1991, TT in the Cabinet where he served as Minister for Education (1980–81 &
1985–91), Minister for Trade & Industry (1981–86), Minister for Finance (1983–85), and
Minister for Health (1985–86).
From 1995 to 2005, he re-joined the Cabinet, where he served as Deputy Prime Minister
(1995–2005) and Minister for Defence (1995-2003). TT resigned from the PAP in June 2011.
Apart from being a PAP old guard, TT was until 1 July 2011, Executive Director and Deputy Chairman of the Government of Singapore Investment Corporation (GIC) and Chairman of Singapore Press Holdings Limited (SPH).
According to TT, the EP "... has to be above politics and needs to work with the government of the day and all political parties, including the opposition, civic and social organisations, and he cannot take a partisan view."
http://www.asiaone.com/News/AsiaOne%2BNews/Singapore/Story/A1Story20110715-
289402.html
According to TT, he is equal to this role, despite his 33 year membership in the PAP, despite having been an MP for 27 years, despite being a Cabinet Minister for two periods of 10 years each, and despite having been at the helm of the GIC and SPH up until last month. TT has assured voters that if elected, he would be act independently.
TAN JEE SAY Much has been made of the fact he contested on the opposition ticket in the last GE 2011. But let us put things in context. Jee Say’s stint as a politician lasted less than 4 months from early April this year till end of July. Previous to joining SDP in April this year, Jee Say had spoken up to share his views in his personal capacity and representing only himself, at forums and other events. But by no means can he be described as having any kind of political career, apart from those 3.5 months with SDP. Is Jee Say “partisan”? He was a member of SDP for only 3.5 months. The other 3 candidates have been PAP members for decades. Well, I think it fair to say, that of the 4, Jee Say is by comparison the least partisan, and hence the most likely to be independent- minded.
Coming back to TT’s words, that the President has to be able to work with the Govt of the day. On this score, it is to be noted that Jee Say was a member of the civil service for 11 years, including six years in the Ministry of Trade and Industry from 1979 to 1985.[2] He rose to become Deputy Director for Economic and Manpower Planning.[1] During that period, he served concurrently as secretary to Albert Winsemius, the government's economic adviser.[1] He went on to serve as then-Deputy Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong's principal private secretary from 1985 to 1990. I am sure that in the many years that Jee Say spent in the civil service, he would have made a lot of friends and acquaintances, not to mention a deep understanding of how the civil service is organised and run.
He left the civil service in 1990 and entered the private sector. In the private sector, he worked in the finance industry for a decade. So Jee Say has experienced how it is like to work in the public sector as well as the private sector.
Again, coming back to TT’s words that the President must be able to work with all political parties, including the opposition, civil and social organisation…. Let not forget, that the 40% of the votes went to the opposition, so significant proportion of Singaporeans are opposition supporters. But all are Singaporeans. Here, Tan Jee Say’s short stint as a opposition politician puts him in a unique position. He is someone who has spent long years in the civil service including 5 years working with GCT, and yet he has also spent time with members of the opposition and personal friends with many civil and social activists. In him, I feel can be found the best hope of being the Unifier of all Singaporeans.
Today in Singapore, we have the privilege and the dilemma of having to choose between four qualified and worthy candidates for the top post of President. To me, Jee Say offers the best hope for truly independent, non-partisan, unifying President. As if this is not enough, Jee Say has also shown me that he has the passion to serve Singapore. So, without skipping a heartbeat, my vote is for TJS.
Thursday, 18 August 2011
Tan Jee Say: Presidential Candidate's 1st Broadcast (18 Aug 2011)
My Fellow Singaporeans,
This Presidential Election is a historic opportunity for all our citizens to fulfil the mission of the Office of President.
In the past, the President was appointed by the Prime Minister. But about 20 years ago, the Constitution was changed to enable the people to elect the President directly. This was a fundamental change.
The purpose of direct election is to give moral authority to the President to provide checks and balances on the Government.
Remember the key words "provide checks and balances on the Government".
This is the over-riding objective of having an elected President.
It is a very important and timely objective in the light of the recent General Elections. Most of us can still remember that only 3 months ago, Singaporeans from all walks of life openly expressed their unhappiness with Government policies.
A substantial 40% did not vote for this Government. Yet the PAP Government still has 81 out of a total of 87 Members of Parliament. With their overwhelming majority in Parliament, the Government can implement whatever policies they want or even change the Constitution.
Do you want this to happen? Can you prevent it? Yes you can. But only if you elect a President who has the moral courage to stand up for you and to speak up whenever the Government crosses the line.
You have before you a choice of 4 candidates. All of us want your vote. You have to decide who among us can best perform the duty of providing checks and balances on the PAP Government.
The importance of independence
To do the job effectively, the President must be independent of the ruling party. This independence must be clear, obvious and cannot be in doubt. Only such an independent person can have the moral authority to check on the Government. He must not be influenced or hampered by past ties with the ruling party. If his ties with the ruling party had been long and strong, it will be difficult for the person to shake off the emotional ties he has with the party.
My three opponents are honourable men but they were members of PAP for 20 to 30 years until they resigned from the party with two of them having quit only very recently. During this period, they ate, slept, walked and breathed PAP. Do you now expect them to have a
breath of fresh air? Mentally and emotionally, it will be very difficult for them to think differently from the ruling party and challenge their former colleagues and friends.
Unlike them, I do not have the same emotional baggage that they carry because I have never been a member of the PAP. Because of this, I can provide checks and balances on the Government without restraint. I can and will remind them of their lapses without feeling embarrassed. I shall be their conscience, as well as yours.
The economy
The economy faces an uncertain future with a difficult global environment. The President will likely be called upon to help meet the economic challenges. This will require the President to stay on top of the economy.
I am equal to the task. I studied economics in university and worked in the Ministry of Trade and Industry where I headed economic and manpower planning. In addition, I had worked in international banks and investment houses, so I understand global finance.
The coming global financial crisis will put domestic economic issues into greater focus. The open expression of widespread anger during the recent General Elections has shown how divided the nation has become. Job losses and the widening income gap will become more pronounced as the global economy worsens. They will divide society further and deeper. To prevent such deep division, bold measures are needed.
The Prime Minister has acknowledged that there is great unhappiness among the people. But the recent measures he announced during the National Day Rally Speech do not address the people's concerns adequately. They represent the same piece-meal approach of recent years.
A new and more comprehensive approach is needed to address the issues that trouble Singaporeans such as influx of foreign workers, over-crowding and high cost of living. We should not just be obsessed with high GDP growth with little regard for the resultant adverse consequences on society and Singaporeans.
The benefits of economic growth have not been shared by all, rather some have benefitted greatly at the expense of others and this has divided the nation. To play a unifying role, the President need to engage the Government in coming up with an economic philosophy that puts the happiness of all Singaporeans at the heart of its policies.
My Promise as President
This is what I promise to Singaporeans if I am elected President.
I will encourage the Government not to pursue high GDP growth at the expense of ordinary Singaporeans.
I will not hold back resources including the national reserves from the Government
........if they need to use them to achieve stable economic growth with a fair distribution of benefits for all Singaporeans,
........and to pursue measures that will ensure that Singaporeans are competing on an equal footing with foreigners,
.......that adequate resources are put aside to meet the educational and career aspirations of young Singaporeans,
.......that families are helped to cope with rising costs in all areas,
.......that enough is done for the healthcare needs of all particularly the elderly,
.......that generous assistance is given to families to bring up their children particularly those with special needs, and
........last but not least, that your CPF savings are well-protected so that you have enough to live a happy retirement.
The Heart of the Nation
These matters should rightly be left to the Government to deal with but the input of a caring President will help the Government come out with more compassionate solutions. We have reached a point where the President needs to help heal the social division and unify the nation.
If elected President, I will step in with good intention and a good heart. I will work with the Government to achieve a better society for all.
My fellow Singaporeans, this is my mission. But I can only do it with your help.
Let us set our hearts to do it. Together we can. I shall be your voice and the heart of the nation.
Thank you.
Sunday, 7 August 2011
Wednesday, 13 July 2011
The Non-obvious Impact of Spoiled Votes
Many don't realised this but when they choose to spoil or void their vote, there is actually an impact, ie. allowing those in the lead to be the winner.
Tuesday, 5 July 2011
Saturday, 2 July 2011
Thursday, 30 June 2011
The PAP cadre system
Straits Times April 4, 1998
Most Singaporeans are familiar with the outward trappings of the PAP, but very few are aware of what goes on in its inner sanctum. KOH BUCK SONG lifts the veil on the cadre system and lesser known activities of the 10,000-strong ruling party.
THE People's Action Party has more than 1000 cadres, whose only distinction for being recognised as stalwarts is the right to vote in the party's top leadership every two years.
Although this right may be seen by some as a privilege, there are no other perks that set cadres apart from the ordinary members of Singapore's most successful political party.
Disclosing this to Insight, the party's second assistant secretary-general, Mr Wong Kan Seng, notes that grassroots leaders receive benefits such as housing and school admission priority and some limited carparking perks in Housing Board estates, but PAP cadres and members get nothing.
It may be hard to believe in today's world, in which material rewards for any kind of service are a norm, but cadres are accorded no tangible appreciation, not even a thank-you dinner.
As a mark of their commitment to the party's philosophy and aims, they are promoted into an inner circle. But other than their being invited to elections for the party's central executive committee, no one can tell a cadre apart from other members.
The party, formed in 1954 and in power since 1959, has had cadres since the 1950s, when confining the power of electing party leaders to a select group was seen as a way to stop communist infiltration.
Mr Wong, who is Home Affairs Minister, says the party has always been open about its cadres. "Every other year, we have an ordinary party conference attended by them, so where is the secrecy?"
But the fact is that the number of cadres has never been disclosed. The party headquarters considers it "privileged information". The register of cadres remains confidential.
Earlier estimations had hovered around a few hundred. Mr Wong says the total has been growing steadily over the years.
Former MPs are surprised when told of the 1000-odd figure. Even serving MPs are not all aware of the total, nor have they seen the cadre register.
The cadre system has always been veiled in secrecy. Those connected to the party clam up whenever the subject is broached, referring the curious to the party's HQ executive committee chairman, Deputy Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, or the vice-chairman, Mr Wong.
Mr Wong says the party does not instruct its cadres to keep their identities secret. On their reluctance to be identified, he says: "Of course, the person will not want to boast about it."
The party does not want to create a sense of hierarchy, he adds. Not every member clad in all-white is a cadre, or needs to be one.
A former MP observes: "It is Singapore culture. If you start claiming things, people start looking askance at you." Some might also want to guard the sense of mystique, he adds. "The less seen, the more to be wondered at."
On the lack of privileges for cadres, he notes that being elevated to a higher status is equated with something prestigious. "You know you are among the elite, the trusted few. People are quite happy when told they have become cadres."
Mr Wong believes that most people join the party because they support, and want to contribute to, a party that has served the nation well.
Agreeing, Mr Mah Guan Lin, 62, assistant director of the PAP HQ in New Upper Changi Road, who has been a party member for about 16 years, confirms that members enjoy no incentives or preferences of any kind.
So why join? He explains: "We join because we know this is a good system that we want to protect. Through our dialogue with MPs, we understand things better and get a chance to find out more, that's the only advantage."
Like other senior PAP members, Mr Mah is tight-lipped about whether he is a cadre, but as he is one of the few non-MPs to sit on the party's sub-committees, there can be little doubt that he is one.
A cadre is nominated by his MP from among the outstanding activists in his branch. About 100 candidates are put up each year. Selection is done by three interview panels of four or five ministers and MPs each. The spread of backgrounds covers age, race, language and religion, ground feel and educational qualification.
Aside from the cadre system, the party's other aspects are not so mysterious.
The only exception is the central executive committee (CEC), the pinnacle of party leaders elected at party ordinary conferences by the cadres. The next conference will be at the end of this year or early next year.
The present 16-member CEC is headed by the secretary-general, Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong. The chairman is Deputy Prime Minister Tony Tan and the vice-chairman, Law and Foreign Affairs Minister S. Jayakumar. The other members are all Cabinet ministers except Senior Minister of State (Education and Health) Aline Wong, Ayer Rajah MP Tan Cheng Bock and former MP Ch'ng Jit Koon.
In her 1971 political science thesis, Singapore's People's Action Party: Its History, Organisation and Leadership (Oxford University Press), Ms Pang Cheng Lian, now roving ambassador to Italy and Switzerland, describes the CEC voting as a "closed system", in which "the cardinals appoint the pope and the pope appoints the cardinals".
Mr Wong says this practice is to make the CEC election manageable, by restricting it to a smaller number of senior party members, out of the more than 10,000 ordinary members.
He points out that the candidate list for the incoming CEC is not drawn up only by the outgoing committee, but also voted on by all MPs.
On the CEC's functions, he discloses that meetings are held just before Cabinet meetings, a few times a year, as and when there are issues to discuss, such as the agenda for upcoming party meetings.
The next-lower level committee, the HQ exco, formed more than 10 years ago, looks after the party's administration. Party accounts, circulars, reports and other matters are handled by fewer than 10 full-time staff at the largely functional party HQ building.
The exco also oversees nine sub-committees on appointments, constituency relations, education, information, PAP awards, political education, publicity and publications, social and recreational, and Malay affairs.
Other matters include feedback on national issues through informal networks of the party branches in all 83 constituencies.
About 1000 new members were approved in each of the last two years. But the party is no hurry to add to that number.
A prospective new member who has ulterior motives of seeking business gains from the "guanxi" of political affiliation can find his membership application "deferred". Some have been asked to go away and chalk up more community work before applying again later.
The care taken over who are accepted even as ordinary members would seem to be justified. A former MP recalls that in the 1970s, there were members he "would not touch with a barge pole". One member, for instance, tried to use his party connections to help his relative, a secret society member, get out of jail.
When it comes to mobilising the ground for a general election, the party can supplement its 10,000-strong membership with some 500 volunteers per branch, mainly friends and relatives of members.
The PAP runs about 300 kindergartens in the 83 wards, under the PAP Community Foundation, a charitable institution set up in the 1980s with a separate set-up chaired by Dr Tony Tan.
Political education talks, held about five times a year, are usually given by a minister or at least a parliamentary secretary, on subjects such as health, education and foreign affairs.
Held on Sunday mornings, the talks have a typical audience of about 800, comprising party members nominated by party branches and guests invited by MPs.
The party's main source of funds, Mr Wong reveals, comes from the $650 to $1000 deducted from MPs' allowances every month. Office-holders contribute more. Contributions also flow in from donors and well-wishers.
Each party branch, which has about 100 members and its own sub-committees looking after different areas, also has its own Young PAP and Women's Wing branches.
The roles and leaders of these two branches of the party are known publicly. YP, chaired by Information and the Arts Minister George Yeo and catering to the young, has its unique functions such as a policy studies group and Internet group.
The YP has an Internet website, but the party has no plans to start a main website, believing its party organ Petir and other communications channels to be adequate.
The Women's Wing, chaired by Dr Aline Wong, looks at particular concerns such as women's and family issues.
There has been some debate whether the PAP is a cadre party tending towards authoritarian control or a mass party with more devolution of power. Ms Pang, for one, raises the question in her thesis: "Is the PAP a cadre party masquerading as a mass party?".
The present party structure would suggest that, to all intents and purposes, the ground operations are largely autonomous, with the MPs deciding, for instance, whether or not to interview applicants for ordinary party membership.
And since the only thing that makes a cadre special is the right to vote, the day-to-day functions of the party are more democratic than some might imagine.
Published in the Straits Times. April 4, 1998
Original source (link is down now): www.singapore-window.org/80404st1.htm
Mirror: http://is.gd/kNQMm0
Most Singaporeans are familiar with the outward trappings of the PAP, but very few are aware of what goes on in its inner sanctum. KOH BUCK SONG lifts the veil on the cadre system and lesser known activities of the 10,000-strong ruling party.
THE People's Action Party has more than 1000 cadres, whose only distinction for being recognised as stalwarts is the right to vote in the party's top leadership every two years.
Although this right may be seen by some as a privilege, there are no other perks that set cadres apart from the ordinary members of Singapore's most successful political party.
Disclosing this to Insight, the party's second assistant secretary-general, Mr Wong Kan Seng, notes that grassroots leaders receive benefits such as housing and school admission priority and some limited carparking perks in Housing Board estates, but PAP cadres and members get nothing.
It may be hard to believe in today's world, in which material rewards for any kind of service are a norm, but cadres are accorded no tangible appreciation, not even a thank-you dinner.
As a mark of their commitment to the party's philosophy and aims, they are promoted into an inner circle. But other than their being invited to elections for the party's central executive committee, no one can tell a cadre apart from other members.
The party, formed in 1954 and in power since 1959, has had cadres since the 1950s, when confining the power of electing party leaders to a select group was seen as a way to stop communist infiltration.
Mr Wong, who is Home Affairs Minister, says the party has always been open about its cadres. "Every other year, we have an ordinary party conference attended by them, so where is the secrecy?"
But the fact is that the number of cadres has never been disclosed. The party headquarters considers it "privileged information". The register of cadres remains confidential.
Earlier estimations had hovered around a few hundred. Mr Wong says the total has been growing steadily over the years.
Former MPs are surprised when told of the 1000-odd figure. Even serving MPs are not all aware of the total, nor have they seen the cadre register.
The cadre system has always been veiled in secrecy. Those connected to the party clam up whenever the subject is broached, referring the curious to the party's HQ executive committee chairman, Deputy Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, or the vice-chairman, Mr Wong.
Mr Wong says the party does not instruct its cadres to keep their identities secret. On their reluctance to be identified, he says: "Of course, the person will not want to boast about it."
The party does not want to create a sense of hierarchy, he adds. Not every member clad in all-white is a cadre, or needs to be one.
A former MP observes: "It is Singapore culture. If you start claiming things, people start looking askance at you." Some might also want to guard the sense of mystique, he adds. "The less seen, the more to be wondered at."
On the lack of privileges for cadres, he notes that being elevated to a higher status is equated with something prestigious. "You know you are among the elite, the trusted few. People are quite happy when told they have become cadres."
Mr Wong believes that most people join the party because they support, and want to contribute to, a party that has served the nation well.
Agreeing, Mr Mah Guan Lin, 62, assistant director of the PAP HQ in New Upper Changi Road, who has been a party member for about 16 years, confirms that members enjoy no incentives or preferences of any kind.
So why join? He explains: "We join because we know this is a good system that we want to protect. Through our dialogue with MPs, we understand things better and get a chance to find out more, that's the only advantage."
Like other senior PAP members, Mr Mah is tight-lipped about whether he is a cadre, but as he is one of the few non-MPs to sit on the party's sub-committees, there can be little doubt that he is one.
A cadre is nominated by his MP from among the outstanding activists in his branch. About 100 candidates are put up each year. Selection is done by three interview panels of four or five ministers and MPs each. The spread of backgrounds covers age, race, language and religion, ground feel and educational qualification.
Aside from the cadre system, the party's other aspects are not so mysterious.
The only exception is the central executive committee (CEC), the pinnacle of party leaders elected at party ordinary conferences by the cadres. The next conference will be at the end of this year or early next year.
The present 16-member CEC is headed by the secretary-general, Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong. The chairman is Deputy Prime Minister Tony Tan and the vice-chairman, Law and Foreign Affairs Minister S. Jayakumar. The other members are all Cabinet ministers except Senior Minister of State (Education and Health) Aline Wong, Ayer Rajah MP Tan Cheng Bock and former MP Ch'ng Jit Koon.
In her 1971 political science thesis, Singapore's People's Action Party: Its History, Organisation and Leadership (Oxford University Press), Ms Pang Cheng Lian, now roving ambassador to Italy and Switzerland, describes the CEC voting as a "closed system", in which "the cardinals appoint the pope and the pope appoints the cardinals".
Mr Wong says this practice is to make the CEC election manageable, by restricting it to a smaller number of senior party members, out of the more than 10,000 ordinary members.
He points out that the candidate list for the incoming CEC is not drawn up only by the outgoing committee, but also voted on by all MPs.
On the CEC's functions, he discloses that meetings are held just before Cabinet meetings, a few times a year, as and when there are issues to discuss, such as the agenda for upcoming party meetings.
The next-lower level committee, the HQ exco, formed more than 10 years ago, looks after the party's administration. Party accounts, circulars, reports and other matters are handled by fewer than 10 full-time staff at the largely functional party HQ building.
The exco also oversees nine sub-committees on appointments, constituency relations, education, information, PAP awards, political education, publicity and publications, social and recreational, and Malay affairs.
Other matters include feedback on national issues through informal networks of the party branches in all 83 constituencies.
About 1000 new members were approved in each of the last two years. But the party is no hurry to add to that number.
A prospective new member who has ulterior motives of seeking business gains from the "guanxi" of political affiliation can find his membership application "deferred". Some have been asked to go away and chalk up more community work before applying again later.
The care taken over who are accepted even as ordinary members would seem to be justified. A former MP recalls that in the 1970s, there were members he "would not touch with a barge pole". One member, for instance, tried to use his party connections to help his relative, a secret society member, get out of jail.
When it comes to mobilising the ground for a general election, the party can supplement its 10,000-strong membership with some 500 volunteers per branch, mainly friends and relatives of members.
The PAP runs about 300 kindergartens in the 83 wards, under the PAP Community Foundation, a charitable institution set up in the 1980s with a separate set-up chaired by Dr Tony Tan.
Political education talks, held about five times a year, are usually given by a minister or at least a parliamentary secretary, on subjects such as health, education and foreign affairs.
Held on Sunday mornings, the talks have a typical audience of about 800, comprising party members nominated by party branches and guests invited by MPs.
The party's main source of funds, Mr Wong reveals, comes from the $650 to $1000 deducted from MPs' allowances every month. Office-holders contribute more. Contributions also flow in from donors and well-wishers.
Each party branch, which has about 100 members and its own sub-committees looking after different areas, also has its own Young PAP and Women's Wing branches.
The roles and leaders of these two branches of the party are known publicly. YP, chaired by Information and the Arts Minister George Yeo and catering to the young, has its unique functions such as a policy studies group and Internet group.
The YP has an Internet website, but the party has no plans to start a main website, believing its party organ Petir and other communications channels to be adequate.
The Women's Wing, chaired by Dr Aline Wong, looks at particular concerns such as women's and family issues.
There has been some debate whether the PAP is a cadre party tending towards authoritarian control or a mass party with more devolution of power. Ms Pang, for one, raises the question in her thesis: "Is the PAP a cadre party masquerading as a mass party?".
The present party structure would suggest that, to all intents and purposes, the ground operations are largely autonomous, with the MPs deciding, for instance, whether or not to interview applicants for ordinary party membership.
And since the only thing that makes a cadre special is the right to vote, the day-to-day functions of the party are more democratic than some might imagine.
Published in the Straits Times. April 4, 1998
Original source (link is down now): www.singapore-window.org/80404st1.htm
Mirror: http://is.gd/kNQMm0
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