Wednesday, 13 July 2011
The Non-obvious Impact of Spoiled Votes
Many don't realised this but when they choose to spoil or void their vote, there is actually an impact, ie. allowing those in the lead to be the winner.
Tuesday, 5 July 2011
Saturday, 2 July 2011
Thursday, 30 June 2011
The PAP cadre system
Straits Times April 4, 1998
Most Singaporeans are familiar with the outward trappings of the PAP, but very few are aware of what goes on in its inner sanctum. KOH BUCK SONG lifts the veil on the cadre system and lesser known activities of the 10,000-strong ruling party.
THE People's Action Party has more than 1000 cadres, whose only distinction for being recognised as stalwarts is the right to vote in the party's top leadership every two years.
Although this right may be seen by some as a privilege, there are no other perks that set cadres apart from the ordinary members of Singapore's most successful political party.
Disclosing this to Insight, the party's second assistant secretary-general, Mr Wong Kan Seng, notes that grassroots leaders receive benefits such as housing and school admission priority and some limited carparking perks in Housing Board estates, but PAP cadres and members get nothing.
It may be hard to believe in today's world, in which material rewards for any kind of service are a norm, but cadres are accorded no tangible appreciation, not even a thank-you dinner.
As a mark of their commitment to the party's philosophy and aims, they are promoted into an inner circle. But other than their being invited to elections for the party's central executive committee, no one can tell a cadre apart from other members.
The party, formed in 1954 and in power since 1959, has had cadres since the 1950s, when confining the power of electing party leaders to a select group was seen as a way to stop communist infiltration.
Mr Wong, who is Home Affairs Minister, says the party has always been open about its cadres. "Every other year, we have an ordinary party conference attended by them, so where is the secrecy?"
But the fact is that the number of cadres has never been disclosed. The party headquarters considers it "privileged information". The register of cadres remains confidential.
Earlier estimations had hovered around a few hundred. Mr Wong says the total has been growing steadily over the years.
Former MPs are surprised when told of the 1000-odd figure. Even serving MPs are not all aware of the total, nor have they seen the cadre register.
The cadre system has always been veiled in secrecy. Those connected to the party clam up whenever the subject is broached, referring the curious to the party's HQ executive committee chairman, Deputy Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, or the vice-chairman, Mr Wong.
Mr Wong says the party does not instruct its cadres to keep their identities secret. On their reluctance to be identified, he says: "Of course, the person will not want to boast about it."
The party does not want to create a sense of hierarchy, he adds. Not every member clad in all-white is a cadre, or needs to be one.
A former MP observes: "It is Singapore culture. If you start claiming things, people start looking askance at you." Some might also want to guard the sense of mystique, he adds. "The less seen, the more to be wondered at."
On the lack of privileges for cadres, he notes that being elevated to a higher status is equated with something prestigious. "You know you are among the elite, the trusted few. People are quite happy when told they have become cadres."
Mr Wong believes that most people join the party because they support, and want to contribute to, a party that has served the nation well.
Agreeing, Mr Mah Guan Lin, 62, assistant director of the PAP HQ in New Upper Changi Road, who has been a party member for about 16 years, confirms that members enjoy no incentives or preferences of any kind.
So why join? He explains: "We join because we know this is a good system that we want to protect. Through our dialogue with MPs, we understand things better and get a chance to find out more, that's the only advantage."
Like other senior PAP members, Mr Mah is tight-lipped about whether he is a cadre, but as he is one of the few non-MPs to sit on the party's sub-committees, there can be little doubt that he is one.
A cadre is nominated by his MP from among the outstanding activists in his branch. About 100 candidates are put up each year. Selection is done by three interview panels of four or five ministers and MPs each. The spread of backgrounds covers age, race, language and religion, ground feel and educational qualification.
Aside from the cadre system, the party's other aspects are not so mysterious.
The only exception is the central executive committee (CEC), the pinnacle of party leaders elected at party ordinary conferences by the cadres. The next conference will be at the end of this year or early next year.
The present 16-member CEC is headed by the secretary-general, Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong. The chairman is Deputy Prime Minister Tony Tan and the vice-chairman, Law and Foreign Affairs Minister S. Jayakumar. The other members are all Cabinet ministers except Senior Minister of State (Education and Health) Aline Wong, Ayer Rajah MP Tan Cheng Bock and former MP Ch'ng Jit Koon.
In her 1971 political science thesis, Singapore's People's Action Party: Its History, Organisation and Leadership (Oxford University Press), Ms Pang Cheng Lian, now roving ambassador to Italy and Switzerland, describes the CEC voting as a "closed system", in which "the cardinals appoint the pope and the pope appoints the cardinals".
Mr Wong says this practice is to make the CEC election manageable, by restricting it to a smaller number of senior party members, out of the more than 10,000 ordinary members.
He points out that the candidate list for the incoming CEC is not drawn up only by the outgoing committee, but also voted on by all MPs.
On the CEC's functions, he discloses that meetings are held just before Cabinet meetings, a few times a year, as and when there are issues to discuss, such as the agenda for upcoming party meetings.
The next-lower level committee, the HQ exco, formed more than 10 years ago, looks after the party's administration. Party accounts, circulars, reports and other matters are handled by fewer than 10 full-time staff at the largely functional party HQ building.
The exco also oversees nine sub-committees on appointments, constituency relations, education, information, PAP awards, political education, publicity and publications, social and recreational, and Malay affairs.
Other matters include feedback on national issues through informal networks of the party branches in all 83 constituencies.
About 1000 new members were approved in each of the last two years. But the party is no hurry to add to that number.
A prospective new member who has ulterior motives of seeking business gains from the "guanxi" of political affiliation can find his membership application "deferred". Some have been asked to go away and chalk up more community work before applying again later.
The care taken over who are accepted even as ordinary members would seem to be justified. A former MP recalls that in the 1970s, there were members he "would not touch with a barge pole". One member, for instance, tried to use his party connections to help his relative, a secret society member, get out of jail.
When it comes to mobilising the ground for a general election, the party can supplement its 10,000-strong membership with some 500 volunteers per branch, mainly friends and relatives of members.
The PAP runs about 300 kindergartens in the 83 wards, under the PAP Community Foundation, a charitable institution set up in the 1980s with a separate set-up chaired by Dr Tony Tan.
Political education talks, held about five times a year, are usually given by a minister or at least a parliamentary secretary, on subjects such as health, education and foreign affairs.
Held on Sunday mornings, the talks have a typical audience of about 800, comprising party members nominated by party branches and guests invited by MPs.
The party's main source of funds, Mr Wong reveals, comes from the $650 to $1000 deducted from MPs' allowances every month. Office-holders contribute more. Contributions also flow in from donors and well-wishers.
Each party branch, which has about 100 members and its own sub-committees looking after different areas, also has its own Young PAP and Women's Wing branches.
The roles and leaders of these two branches of the party are known publicly. YP, chaired by Information and the Arts Minister George Yeo and catering to the young, has its unique functions such as a policy studies group and Internet group.
The YP has an Internet website, but the party has no plans to start a main website, believing its party organ Petir and other communications channels to be adequate.
The Women's Wing, chaired by Dr Aline Wong, looks at particular concerns such as women's and family issues.
There has been some debate whether the PAP is a cadre party tending towards authoritarian control or a mass party with more devolution of power. Ms Pang, for one, raises the question in her thesis: "Is the PAP a cadre party masquerading as a mass party?".
The present party structure would suggest that, to all intents and purposes, the ground operations are largely autonomous, with the MPs deciding, for instance, whether or not to interview applicants for ordinary party membership.
And since the only thing that makes a cadre special is the right to vote, the day-to-day functions of the party are more democratic than some might imagine.
Published in the Straits Times. April 4, 1998
Original source (link is down now): www.singapore-window.org/80404st1.htm
Mirror: http://is.gd/kNQMm0
Most Singaporeans are familiar with the outward trappings of the PAP, but very few are aware of what goes on in its inner sanctum. KOH BUCK SONG lifts the veil on the cadre system and lesser known activities of the 10,000-strong ruling party.
THE People's Action Party has more than 1000 cadres, whose only distinction for being recognised as stalwarts is the right to vote in the party's top leadership every two years.
Although this right may be seen by some as a privilege, there are no other perks that set cadres apart from the ordinary members of Singapore's most successful political party.
Disclosing this to Insight, the party's second assistant secretary-general, Mr Wong Kan Seng, notes that grassroots leaders receive benefits such as housing and school admission priority and some limited carparking perks in Housing Board estates, but PAP cadres and members get nothing.
It may be hard to believe in today's world, in which material rewards for any kind of service are a norm, but cadres are accorded no tangible appreciation, not even a thank-you dinner.
As a mark of their commitment to the party's philosophy and aims, they are promoted into an inner circle. But other than their being invited to elections for the party's central executive committee, no one can tell a cadre apart from other members.
The party, formed in 1954 and in power since 1959, has had cadres since the 1950s, when confining the power of electing party leaders to a select group was seen as a way to stop communist infiltration.
Mr Wong, who is Home Affairs Minister, says the party has always been open about its cadres. "Every other year, we have an ordinary party conference attended by them, so where is the secrecy?"
But the fact is that the number of cadres has never been disclosed. The party headquarters considers it "privileged information". The register of cadres remains confidential.
Earlier estimations had hovered around a few hundred. Mr Wong says the total has been growing steadily over the years.
Former MPs are surprised when told of the 1000-odd figure. Even serving MPs are not all aware of the total, nor have they seen the cadre register.
The cadre system has always been veiled in secrecy. Those connected to the party clam up whenever the subject is broached, referring the curious to the party's HQ executive committee chairman, Deputy Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, or the vice-chairman, Mr Wong.
Mr Wong says the party does not instruct its cadres to keep their identities secret. On their reluctance to be identified, he says: "Of course, the person will not want to boast about it."
The party does not want to create a sense of hierarchy, he adds. Not every member clad in all-white is a cadre, or needs to be one.
A former MP observes: "It is Singapore culture. If you start claiming things, people start looking askance at you." Some might also want to guard the sense of mystique, he adds. "The less seen, the more to be wondered at."
On the lack of privileges for cadres, he notes that being elevated to a higher status is equated with something prestigious. "You know you are among the elite, the trusted few. People are quite happy when told they have become cadres."
Mr Wong believes that most people join the party because they support, and want to contribute to, a party that has served the nation well.
Agreeing, Mr Mah Guan Lin, 62, assistant director of the PAP HQ in New Upper Changi Road, who has been a party member for about 16 years, confirms that members enjoy no incentives or preferences of any kind.
So why join? He explains: "We join because we know this is a good system that we want to protect. Through our dialogue with MPs, we understand things better and get a chance to find out more, that's the only advantage."
Like other senior PAP members, Mr Mah is tight-lipped about whether he is a cadre, but as he is one of the few non-MPs to sit on the party's sub-committees, there can be little doubt that he is one.
A cadre is nominated by his MP from among the outstanding activists in his branch. About 100 candidates are put up each year. Selection is done by three interview panels of four or five ministers and MPs each. The spread of backgrounds covers age, race, language and religion, ground feel and educational qualification.
Aside from the cadre system, the party's other aspects are not so mysterious.
The only exception is the central executive committee (CEC), the pinnacle of party leaders elected at party ordinary conferences by the cadres. The next conference will be at the end of this year or early next year.
The present 16-member CEC is headed by the secretary-general, Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong. The chairman is Deputy Prime Minister Tony Tan and the vice-chairman, Law and Foreign Affairs Minister S. Jayakumar. The other members are all Cabinet ministers except Senior Minister of State (Education and Health) Aline Wong, Ayer Rajah MP Tan Cheng Bock and former MP Ch'ng Jit Koon.
In her 1971 political science thesis, Singapore's People's Action Party: Its History, Organisation and Leadership (Oxford University Press), Ms Pang Cheng Lian, now roving ambassador to Italy and Switzerland, describes the CEC voting as a "closed system", in which "the cardinals appoint the pope and the pope appoints the cardinals".
Mr Wong says this practice is to make the CEC election manageable, by restricting it to a smaller number of senior party members, out of the more than 10,000 ordinary members.
He points out that the candidate list for the incoming CEC is not drawn up only by the outgoing committee, but also voted on by all MPs.
On the CEC's functions, he discloses that meetings are held just before Cabinet meetings, a few times a year, as and when there are issues to discuss, such as the agenda for upcoming party meetings.
The next-lower level committee, the HQ exco, formed more than 10 years ago, looks after the party's administration. Party accounts, circulars, reports and other matters are handled by fewer than 10 full-time staff at the largely functional party HQ building.
The exco also oversees nine sub-committees on appointments, constituency relations, education, information, PAP awards, political education, publicity and publications, social and recreational, and Malay affairs.
Other matters include feedback on national issues through informal networks of the party branches in all 83 constituencies.
About 1000 new members were approved in each of the last two years. But the party is no hurry to add to that number.
A prospective new member who has ulterior motives of seeking business gains from the "guanxi" of political affiliation can find his membership application "deferred". Some have been asked to go away and chalk up more community work before applying again later.
The care taken over who are accepted even as ordinary members would seem to be justified. A former MP recalls that in the 1970s, there were members he "would not touch with a barge pole". One member, for instance, tried to use his party connections to help his relative, a secret society member, get out of jail.
When it comes to mobilising the ground for a general election, the party can supplement its 10,000-strong membership with some 500 volunteers per branch, mainly friends and relatives of members.
The PAP runs about 300 kindergartens in the 83 wards, under the PAP Community Foundation, a charitable institution set up in the 1980s with a separate set-up chaired by Dr Tony Tan.
Political education talks, held about five times a year, are usually given by a minister or at least a parliamentary secretary, on subjects such as health, education and foreign affairs.
Held on Sunday mornings, the talks have a typical audience of about 800, comprising party members nominated by party branches and guests invited by MPs.
The party's main source of funds, Mr Wong reveals, comes from the $650 to $1000 deducted from MPs' allowances every month. Office-holders contribute more. Contributions also flow in from donors and well-wishers.
Each party branch, which has about 100 members and its own sub-committees looking after different areas, also has its own Young PAP and Women's Wing branches.
The roles and leaders of these two branches of the party are known publicly. YP, chaired by Information and the Arts Minister George Yeo and catering to the young, has its unique functions such as a policy studies group and Internet group.
The YP has an Internet website, but the party has no plans to start a main website, believing its party organ Petir and other communications channels to be adequate.
The Women's Wing, chaired by Dr Aline Wong, looks at particular concerns such as women's and family issues.
There has been some debate whether the PAP is a cadre party tending towards authoritarian control or a mass party with more devolution of power. Ms Pang, for one, raises the question in her thesis: "Is the PAP a cadre party masquerading as a mass party?".
The present party structure would suggest that, to all intents and purposes, the ground operations are largely autonomous, with the MPs deciding, for instance, whether or not to interview applicants for ordinary party membership.
And since the only thing that makes a cadre special is the right to vote, the day-to-day functions of the party are more democratic than some might imagine.
Published in the Straits Times. April 4, 1998
Original source (link is down now): www.singapore-window.org/80404st1.htm
Mirror: http://is.gd/kNQMm0
Monday, 27 June 2011
Thursday, 12 May 2011
Temptations of NCMP: Theory, Reality & Self Interest
Before GE2011, almost all opposition candidates spoke ills of the NCMP scheme
1. "In his parliamentary debate, J.B. Jeyaretnam of the Workers Party (WP) said that he felt NCMPs were in fact 2nd class MPs as they had limited voting powers and could not vote on key issues such as budgetary and supply bills, constitutional amendments or cast a “no confidence” vote against the government. The legitimacy of the NCMP office would also be in question: who does the partisan NCMP represent? Prof Thio Li-Ann felt that the “presence of the NCMPs does not seem to go beyond the decorative, nothing more than sparring partners for the untested younger PAP generation.”
Another argument from the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) leader Chiam See Tong was that the scheme could potentially undermine the rationale of having a mandatory opposing voice on the Parliament. Having the NCMP scheme would reassure the public that despite not voting in any opposition member into Parliament, there would still be an opposing voice. This could discourage voters from voting for the opposition as they know that the NCMP scheme would still ensure that there are watchdogs in Parliament that would keep the ruling party in check. Another argument articulated was that the scheme seemed to be implemented purely for the sake of the presence of an opposition in Parliament. It was implemented to show that the PAP, while being the ruling party in Singapore, is not inimical to criticism and the Opposition at large. The opposition also claimed to be a ploy to discourage the electorate from voting into parliament a ‘genuine’ opposition with both the power-base and responsibilities that come with representing a constituency."
16 Jul 2010: http://www.nuspa.org/cms/?q=node/105
2. "...Speaking to reporters at his Meet-the-People session in Hougang, Mr Low said that an NCMP role does not give “muscle and real grassroots grounding” to mount a serious challenge to the People’s Action Party (PAP).
Said Mr Low: “It’s just rootless … You don’t represent anyone, you don’t have a constituency to run.”
Whereas, with a constituency, an Opposition party can enlarge its influence and grow, he added.
Mr Low also described the NCMP system as “a reflection of the guilty conscience of the PAP”.
“The GRC system has allowed the PAP to gerrymander in a big way in the redrawing of boundaries process … perhaps the PAP feels that it is too much for Opposition to continue to survive,” said Mr Low, “And they have to reduce it and provide some token of mechanism which will allow the Opposition to survive and to continue to show that we are a democracy.”
29 Mar 2011: http://www.temasekreview.net/2011/03/29/low-thia-kiang-its-mp-or-nothing
3. "WP's Sylvia Lim comments on NCMP system
:
:
"Nobody fights elections to be an NCMP," she said."
13 Apr 2011: http://www.channelnewsasia.com/stories/singaporelocalnews/view/1122604/1/.html
After GE2011, this is what the opposition candidates/parties position:
4. "SINGAPORE: The Singapore People's Party's central executive committee has given approval to Mrs Lina Chiam to take up the Non-Constituency MP seat in Parliament.
:
:
The SPP said it hopes to bring the voice and concerns of all Singaporeans to Parliament through Mrs Chiam, in addition to that of voters in Potong Pasir, Hong Kah North and Bishan-Toa Payoh.
Mrs Chiam said she is accepting the offer to comply with the wishes of the residents of Potong Pasir and also due to the narrow margin win by the PAP.
She said she promises to represent and speak up for the common Singaporean, and hold the PAP government publicly accountable to the people.
And she will be actively collaborating with SPP's Policy Working Group, to continue "the fight for democracy, justice and equality for all Singaporeans."
The party said it believes that this NCMP post is critical for it to ensure one other additional alternative party voice in Parliament, to stay engaged with national issues through Parliamentary debates, and to remain publicly visible in the eyes of all Singaporeans for the next five years."
12 May 2011: http://www.channelnewsasia.com/stories/singaporelocalnews/view/1128639/1/.html
5. "Workers' Party names Yee Jenn Jong, Gerald Giam for NCMP seats
:
Mr Yee said: "Many residents have asked me to continue to champion certain national issues for them in the parliament. So I hope to be able to use the NCMP position to raise some of these issues. My area of expertise will be in entrepreneurship, small and medium enterprise and education.
:
:
Party Chairman Sylvia Lim said after much deliberation, the Central Executive Committee has decided to accept the two NCMP seats available to it."
13 May 2011: http://www.channelnewsasia.com/stories/singaporelocalnews/view/1128423/1/.html
:
6. "Not given NCMP seat, so Eric Tan quits Workers' Party
:
"I wanted the NCMP post so that I would be able to be the voice of the people." said Mr Tan"
13 May 2011: http://www.todayonline.com/Hotnews/EDC110513-0000339/Not-given-NCMP-seat,-so-Eric-Tan-quits-Workers-Party
7. A rare glimpse to the insides of a NCMP nomination (courtesy of WikiLeaksSG)
1. "In his parliamentary debate, J.B. Jeyaretnam of the Workers Party (WP) said that he felt NCMPs were in fact 2nd class MPs as they had limited voting powers and could not vote on key issues such as budgetary and supply bills, constitutional amendments or cast a “no confidence” vote against the government. The legitimacy of the NCMP office would also be in question: who does the partisan NCMP represent? Prof Thio Li-Ann felt that the “presence of the NCMPs does not seem to go beyond the decorative, nothing more than sparring partners for the untested younger PAP generation.”
Another argument from the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) leader Chiam See Tong was that the scheme could potentially undermine the rationale of having a mandatory opposing voice on the Parliament. Having the NCMP scheme would reassure the public that despite not voting in any opposition member into Parliament, there would still be an opposing voice. This could discourage voters from voting for the opposition as they know that the NCMP scheme would still ensure that there are watchdogs in Parliament that would keep the ruling party in check. Another argument articulated was that the scheme seemed to be implemented purely for the sake of the presence of an opposition in Parliament. It was implemented to show that the PAP, while being the ruling party in Singapore, is not inimical to criticism and the Opposition at large. The opposition also claimed to be a ploy to discourage the electorate from voting into parliament a ‘genuine’ opposition with both the power-base and responsibilities that come with representing a constituency."
16 Jul 2010: http://www.nuspa.org/cms/?q=node/105
2. "...Speaking to reporters at his Meet-the-People session in Hougang, Mr Low said that an NCMP role does not give “muscle and real grassroots grounding” to mount a serious challenge to the People’s Action Party (PAP).
Said Mr Low: “It’s just rootless … You don’t represent anyone, you don’t have a constituency to run.”
Whereas, with a constituency, an Opposition party can enlarge its influence and grow, he added.
Mr Low also described the NCMP system as “a reflection of the guilty conscience of the PAP”.
“The GRC system has allowed the PAP to gerrymander in a big way in the redrawing of boundaries process … perhaps the PAP feels that it is too much for Opposition to continue to survive,” said Mr Low, “And they have to reduce it and provide some token of mechanism which will allow the Opposition to survive and to continue to show that we are a democracy.”
29 Mar 2011: http://www.temasekreview.net/2011/03/29/low-thia-kiang-its-mp-or-nothing
3. "WP's Sylvia Lim comments on NCMP system
:
:
"Nobody fights elections to be an NCMP," she said."
13 Apr 2011: http://www.channelnewsasia.com/stories/singaporelocalnews/view/1122604/1/.html
After GE2011, this is what the opposition candidates/parties position:
4. "SINGAPORE: The Singapore People's Party's central executive committee has given approval to Mrs Lina Chiam to take up the Non-Constituency MP seat in Parliament.
:
:
The SPP said it hopes to bring the voice and concerns of all Singaporeans to Parliament through Mrs Chiam, in addition to that of voters in Potong Pasir, Hong Kah North and Bishan-Toa Payoh.
Mrs Chiam said she is accepting the offer to comply with the wishes of the residents of Potong Pasir and also due to the narrow margin win by the PAP.
She said she promises to represent and speak up for the common Singaporean, and hold the PAP government publicly accountable to the people.
And she will be actively collaborating with SPP's Policy Working Group, to continue "the fight for democracy, justice and equality for all Singaporeans."
The party said it believes that this NCMP post is critical for it to ensure one other additional alternative party voice in Parliament, to stay engaged with national issues through Parliamentary debates, and to remain publicly visible in the eyes of all Singaporeans for the next five years."
12 May 2011: http://www.channelnewsasia.com/stories/singaporelocalnews/view/1128639/1/.html
5. "Workers' Party names Yee Jenn Jong, Gerald Giam for NCMP seats
:
Mr Yee said: "Many residents have asked me to continue to champion certain national issues for them in the parliament. So I hope to be able to use the NCMP position to raise some of these issues. My area of expertise will be in entrepreneurship, small and medium enterprise and education.
:
:
Party Chairman Sylvia Lim said after much deliberation, the Central Executive Committee has decided to accept the two NCMP seats available to it."
13 May 2011: http://www.channelnewsasia.com/stories/singaporelocalnews/view/1128423/1/.html
:
6. "Not given NCMP seat, so Eric Tan quits Workers' Party
:
"I wanted the NCMP post so that I would be able to be the voice of the people." said Mr Tan"
13 May 2011: http://www.todayonline.com/Hotnews/EDC110513-0000339/Not-given-NCMP-seat,-so-Eric-Tan-quits-Workers-Party
7. A rare glimpse to the insides of a NCMP nomination (courtesy of WikiLeaksSG)
Friday, 6 May 2011
GE2011: Solving PAP vs Nicole Dilemma
Target Audience: MParade voters
Reality: NSP's battle vs PAP in MParade is pretty clear to many of us who choose to be sensible, PAP is simply too strong for NSP to beat them. As such, a realistic assumption here is that MParade will go to the PAP.
With that uncertainty out of the way. Votes still matter, because Nicole/Cheo still have the 2nd chance to break into the parliament if NSP can garnered sufficient votes relative to the other GRCs/SMCs. It is plain stupidity/egoistic to choose either IN (as an MP) or OUT (as a bystander on the street) - just look at what Sylvia has achieved for the Opposition as a NCMP 2006-2011, she may well be a MP this time round.
- Case 1. There is no dilemma for diehard pro-PAP voters, their choice is naturally PAP,
- Case 2. There is also no dilemma for diehard anti-PAP or pro-Opposition voters, their choice would be NSP,
- Case 3. Those who are neutral or couldn't-care less or anti-both camps would likely spoil their votes,
- Case 4. There exist a dilemma for MParade voters who are pro PAP but they like Nicole's performance so far.
Proposed solution to Case 4 dilemma: Since the total number of votes in MParade will largely goes to the PAP, those who are pro-PAP but wants to give Nicole a chance in the parliament by voting for them, so that they stand a chance as an NCMP.
A visualisation of the above analysis and solution to case 4 dilemma in a 2x2 quadrant is as follows:
For those voters belonging to case 4, we now have the best of both worlds,
(a) GCT & team get to stay put and served as our MPs for MParade GRC, and
(b) Nicole gets into the Parliament in 2011 as a NCMP*, and with 5 years of parliamentary experience; to have a higher chance of being a MP (SMC or GRC) come GE2016.
For all your consideration. Q.E.D.
* GMS, choose Cheo if you want a mega outcry
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